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History of the English People, Volume VIII Modern England, 1760-1815 By: John Richard Green (1837-1883) |
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by JOHN RICHARD GREEN, M.A.
Honorary Fellow of Jesus College, Oxford VOLUME VIII MODERN ENGLAND. 1760 1815. London
MacMillan and Co., Ltd.
New York: The MacMillan Co.
1896 First Edition, 1879; Reprinted 1882, 1886, 1891.
Eversley Edition, 1896.
CONTENTS
BOOK IX MODERN ENGLAND. 1760 1815.
CHAPTER II
PAGE
THE INDEPENDENCE OF AMERICA. 1767 1782 1
CHAPTER III INDUSTRIAL ENGLAND. 1782 1792 45
CHAPTER IV ENGLAND AND REVOLUTIONARY FRANCE. 1792 1801 97
CHAPTER V ENGLAND AND NAPOLEON. 1801 1815 144
MAPS
I. THE COLONIES OF NORTH AMERICA AT THE
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE To face p. 1 II. EUROPE AFTER THE PEACE OF LUNÉVILLE, 1801 146 III. EUROPE AFTER THE PEACE OF TILSIT, 1807 158
[Illustration: THE COLONIES OF NORTH AMERICA at the Declaration of
Independence] CHAPTER II THE INDEPENDENCE OF AMERICA 1767 1782
[Sidenote: Growing influence of public opinion.] The Chatham ministry marked a new phase in the relation of public
opinion to the government of the State. In 1766 as in 1756 Pitt had been
called into office by "the voice of the people" at large. But in his
former ministry the influence he drew from popularity could only make
itself effective through an alliance with the influence which was drawn
from political connexion; and when the two elements of the
administration became opposed the support of the nation gave Pitt little
strength of resistance against the Whigs. Nor had the young king had
much better fortune as yet in his efforts to break their rule. He had
severed them indeed from Pitt; and he had dexterously broken up the
great party into jealous factions. But broken as it was, even its
factions remained too strong for the king. His one effort at
independence under Bute hardly lasted a year, and he was as helpless in
the hands of Grenville as in the hands of Rockingham. His bribery, his
patronage, his Parliamentary "friends," his perfidy and his lies, had
done much to render good government impossible and to steep public life
in deeper corruption, but they had done little to further the triumph of
the Crown over the great houses. Of the one power indeed which could
break the Whig rule, the power of public opinion, George was more
bitterly jealous than even of the Whigs themselves. But in spite of his
jealousy the tide of opinion steadily rose. In wise and in unwise ways
the country at large showed its new interest in national policy, its new
resolve to have a share in the direction of it. It showed no love for
the king or the king's schemes. But it retained all its old disgust for
the Whigs and for the Parliament. It clung to Pitt closer than ever, and
in spite of his isolation from all party support raised him daily into a
mightier power. It was the sense that a new England was thus growing up
about him, that a new basis was forming itself for political action,
which at last roused the Great Commoner to the bold enterprise of
breaking through the bonds of "connexion" altogether. For the first time
since the Revolution a minister told the peers in their own house that
he defied their combinations. [Sidenote: Chatham's withdrawal.] The ministry of 1766 in fact was itself such a defiance; for it was an
attempt to found political power not on the support of the Whigs as a
party, but on the support of national opinion. But as Parliament was
then constituted, it was only through Chatham himself that opinion could
tell even on the administration he formed; and six months after he had
taken office Chatham was no more than a name. The dread which had driven
him from the stormy agitation of the Lower House to the quiet of the
House of Peers now became a certainty. As winter died into the spring of
1767 his nervous disorganization grew into a painful and overwhelming
illness which almost wholly withdrew him from public affairs; and when
Parliament met again he was unable either to come to town or to confer
with his colleagues... Continue reading book >>
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