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The Continental Monthly, Vol. 1, No. 6, June, 1862 Devoted To Literature and National Policy   By:

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The Continental Monthly, Vol. 1, No. 6, June, 1862 is a captivating read that seamlessly blends literature and national policy, making for a truly enlightening and thought-provoking experience. The various authors featured in this issue demonstrate a deep understanding of historical events and their implications on both a personal and national level.

The writing is both engaging and informative, drawing readers in with its detailed descriptions and vivid storytelling. The diversity of topics covered ensures that there is something for everyone, from political debates to cultural reflections.

Overall, this issue of The Continental Monthly is a must-read for anyone interested in exploring the intersection of literature and politics during this tumultuous time in history. The authors' insights are both timely and timeless, offering valuable perspectives that are sure to spark meaningful discussions among readers.

First Page:

THE CONTINENTAL MONTHLY:

DEVOTED TO

LITERATURE AND NATIONAL POLICY.

VOL. I. JUNE, 1862. No. VI.

THE CONSTITUTION AND SLAVERY.

There are two sections of the United States, the Free States and the Slave States, who hold views widely different upon the subject of Slavery and the true interpretation of the Constitution in relation to it. The Southern view, for the most part, is:

1. The Constitution recognizes slaves as strictly property, to her bought and sold as merchandise.

2. The Constitution recognizes all the territories as open to slavery as much as to freedom, except in those cases where it has been expressly interdicted by the Federal Government; and it secures the legal right to carry slaves into the territories, and any act of Congress, restricting this right to hold slaves in the territories, is unconstitutional and void.

3. Slavery is a natural institution, and not to be considered as local and municipal.

4. The Constitution is simply a compact or league between sovereign States, and when either party breaks, in the estimation of the other, this contract, it is no longer binding upon the whole, and the party that thinks itself wronged has a right, acting according to its own judgment, to leave the Union.

5. This contract between sovereign States has been broken to such an extent, by long and repeated aggressions upon the South by the North, that the slave States who have seceded from the Union, or who may secede, are not only right in thus doing, but are justified in taking up arms, to prevent the collection of revenue by the Federal Government... Continue reading book >>


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